🔗 Share this article

It's Black History Month in the UK, and it appears it’s time for a reassessment. As time has passed, an observance that began as a festivity and recollection of heritage, traditions and links between international African diaspora communities, has adopted a corporate feel, expanding to include gatherings where African descendants are paid to address white audiences about “unconscious bias” and “allyship”. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests sparked an increase in the enterprise of showcasing anti-racist commitment. But even that moment has passed. The surge has crested, producing a diluted aftermath of what promoting consciousness is for.

The Origins of Black History Celebration

Initially celebrated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with a week of commemoration and observance in the February's second week. Black History Month developed from this campaign and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the United States and Canada in winter, but also in October in the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Éire and the Holland.

The period has transformed since that time, focusing less on the histories of colonial slavery and fights for racial justice, and increasingly on prominent Black figures in politics, culture, and activism, and extensively acknowledging the contribution Black people have made to shape the country. It is in schools where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the way the celebration is commemorated is a reflection of the current political situation. How it develops is a valuable example in how co-option leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has hindered the objective of it, which is to confront structural and organizational discrimination.

---

A Jarring Moment

Little demonstrates how critical it is to reconsider Black History Month more than the particular moment in which it takes place this year. In the Britain, a reemerging right-wing in the guise of the Reform organization is leading the polls. In the summer we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the Black leader of the Tory party, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a position where a member of parliament feels emboldened to state that a lack of white people in certain urban areas is a reason for concern. Meanwhile, extreme conservative groups are expanding in Europe as a entirety.

In the US, a colossal assault against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been taken, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the nation. A drive to scrub African American heritage and experience from the historical documents is in progress. One of the political figure's initial presidential directives targeted the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a coordinated and broad attempt to alter the country's historical narrative” by depicting the United States “as naturally discriminatory”.

Against this backdrop, the month illustrates how insufficiently it can be effective if it is limited to either dutiful corporate observances, or depoliticized celebrations of contributions in the past, rather than challenging the realities of the present. It also demonstrates how its short period means that it is detached from the wider consistent effort that is necessary. Denise Miller, a professor at an educational institution, expressed it perfectly when she expressed apprehension about the short-term symbolic gestures of the month. “The issue with adopting a symbolic stance”, she commented, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a brief show rather than a agent of progress.”

---

Reconsidering, Not Discarding

Establishing how to adjust, modify and expand initiatives for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a treacherous thing. There is a temptation to just do away with events including Black History Month entirely, believing they are no longer suitable, or are vestiges of an era that has not worked.

But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and tradition of campaigns for equality – community-based BLM initiatives, inclusion and equity efforts, and certainly, even commercial engagements – constitute an foundation that a significant effort has been dedicated to. It is there not merely to decline as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a living breathing thing.

So what would a new dynamic Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is spread out throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already beginning to do), sections of its curriculum (particularly around historic Black characters) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not avoid political issues, and leaves space for individuals, particularly the younger generation, to air their fears and experiences. What purpose serves simple recognition of the past when it fails to address the present reality of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the public spaces? Organizations who observe it should not be reassured with the passive language of hidden discrimination and alertness to “microaggressions”, but faced with the risks that impact society if fight against prejudice is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made contemporary, urgent, and responsive. Perhaps an complete renaming is required – Black History is Now Month.